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"I refuse to believe that “Give
me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to
breathe free . . .” is now an empty entreaty. But if it is,
shame on us."
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Barry, Circuit Judge, concurring
I
refuse to believe that “Give me your tired, your poor, your
huddled masses yearning to breathe free . . .” is now an empty
entreaty. But if it is, shame on us.
I
concede. I cannot find a way to keep the McAllisters in this
country, and I have surely tried. But the laws Congress has
enacted, particularly those enacted in the wake of the September
11th horror, are bullet-proof, designed, as they should be, to
combat terrorism. The problem here, though, is that Congress’s
definition of “terrorist activity” sweeps in not only the big
guy, but also the little guy who poses no risk to anyone. It
sweeps in Malachy McAllister.
Malachy’s children, Sean and Nicola, are swept in, too, albeit
in a very different way, as victims of the “gotcha” defense –
they presented too little, too late, after their mother, Sarah,
died of cancer a mere six weeks after diagnosis and her
successful asylum application, on which they had been dependent,
became moot. The Immigration Judge had granted asylum to Sarah
and her children in a sixty-five page opinion issued after
twelve trial days during which he heard sixteen witnesses, one
of the most impressive opinions I have read in my years on the
federal bench. He found such “overwhelming evidence of severe
past persecution” suffered by Sarah because of her religion, her
political opinion, and because she was Malachy’s wife, that,
without more, she and her children should not be forced to go
back to the United Kingdom.
But,
in a mere four pages, the Board of Immigration Appeals threw out
that grant of asylum, concluding with utterly no discussion that
no event or combination of events rose to the level of past
persecution and that, regardless, there was little chance of
future persecution in the United Kingdom. I simply cannot
understand how the Board can have given such short shrift to the
Immigration Judge’s extensive compilation and discussion of the
innumerable acts of persecution, including “the most striking
and blatant act” that occurred on a Sunday evening in 1985 when
twelve-year-old Paul, two-year-old Nicola, and one-year-old Sean
survived twenty-six shots fired into their home by masked gunmen
“intending to kill the entire family.” Nevertheless,
because the children had to file individual applications upon
their mother’s death, applications that were denied and then
appealed to us two weeks too late, we have no power to stop
their return to a country they left when they were little more
than babies. Gotcha.
Malachy, a Nationalist Catholic, concededly committed two
criminal acts in Belfast twenty-five years ago, and so he has
been branded guilty of “terrorist activity.” Those were terrible
days which saw, among other horrors, rioting, the burning of
vehicles, the demolition of buildings, and the harassment of
Catholic children playing and walking to school. It was a time
of violent political conflict. But that was then. No one now
suggests that Malachy poses a threat to anyone, much less to our
national security, but this is a fact that Congress does not
permit us to consider.
Additionally, I cannot help but observe that Malachy’s acts,
and the ensuing conviction on which the findings of removability
and ineligibility for asylum or any other relief was based, bear
no relation to any common-sense understanding of what “terrorist
activity” really is or should be. Because, however, Congress has
defined “terrorist activity” and “engage in terrorist activity”
so broadly, it is game, set, and match. Lest anyone question how
broad those definitions are, I offer this: to assist a suicide
by knowingly providing the weapon used would be to “engage in
terrorist activity,” as would swinging a baseball bat at someone
during a bar-room brawl, as would teenage gang members planning
to go after a rival gang and use their knives if necessary.
Worse yet, we are prohibited from considering not only the man
Malachy is today, but the circumstances surrounding his
commission of those acts twenty-five years ago invoked now to
deny him relief – the eight hundred years of history that led
Malachy to fight with his people to remove British rule, and the
persecution inflicted by that rule on Northern Ireland and on
Malachy and his family. “The Troubles,” the Immigration Judge
found, touched each of the McAllisters’ lives. In what ways, and
how deeply? Again, we cannot inquire.
It
simply should not be that, particularly in circumstances such as
those we now have before us, the individual and his
individuality are largely, if not entirely, irrelevant, lost in
a sea of dispositive definitions and harsh and complex laws. And
we cannot be the country we should be if, because of the tragic
events of September 11th, we knee-jerk remove decent men and
women merely because they may have erred at one point in their
lives. We should look a little closer; we should care a little
more. I would ask – no, I would implore – the Attorney General
to exercise his discretion and permit this deserving family to
stay.
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